The American Political Tradition: And the Men Who Made it
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A revised edition of the clasic study of American politics from the Founding Fathers to FDR.
head off La Follette, who is a very dangerous antagonist to Taft.” “The Colonel,” Lincoln Steffens reported a few weeks later, “is mussing up the whole Progressive movement with his ‘To be or not to be.’ ” Roosevelt’s seeming indecision helped to strangle the La Follette boom. BY January 1912, outstanding Progressives like the Pinchots and Medill McCormick had switched to Roosevelt. In February, Fighting Bob, ill, harassed, and worried, suffered a momentary breakdown. Soon afterward, in response
exhausted prizefighter), his eyes steadily fixed on the true and essential facts of the European situation, imported into the Councils of Paris, when he took part in them, precisely that atmosphere of reality, knowledge, magnanimity, and disinterestedness which, if they had been found in other quarters also, would have given us the Good Peace. Of the work that had been carried out during the first six months of that year by the American Relief Administration under Hoover’s direction, Keynes
It was their efforts, their energy, and the American resources placed by the President at their disposal, often acting in the teeth of European obstruction, which not only saved an immense amount of human suffering, but averted a widespread breakdown of the European system. These words did not seem extravagant in 1919; nor did they sound unfamiliar in either Europe or America. Hoover appeared a gigantic figure—“the biggest man,” said the London Nation, “who has emerged on the Allied side
labor still were closely associated in the fashion of Locke and Jefferson with the right of the laborer to retain his own product; when men talked about the sacredness of labor, they were often talking in veiled terms about the right to own. These ideas, which belonged to the age of craftsmanship rather than industrialism, Lincoln carried into the modern industrial scene. The result is a quaint equivocation, worth observing carefully because it pictures the state of mind of a man living half in
unwilling to participate in an antislavery crusade. The three larger states, as a glance at the map will show, were vital to Union strategy and to the safety of the capital itself. They were also contributing soldiers to the cause. Frémont’s action, Lincoln reported, had had an extremely unfavorable effect on the Kentucky legislature, and in the field a whole company of volunteers upon hearing it had thrown down their arms and disbanded. Further, a great section of conservative Northern opinion